So, Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani has bit the dust of the
political arena, his four and a quarter years at the helm of this country
coming to an abrupt, screeching, and apparently, ignominious end. His administration,
according to popular discourse, was marred by endemic corruption, gross
ineptitude and a seemingly vast chasm between the needs and aspirations of the
people and the goals and mindsets of the leaders. Hence, a clearly audible breath
of relief right across the country. However,
the Gilani phenomenon is far from over, least of all in the politics of Multan.
Yousaf Raza Gilani is a scion of the grand old Gilani
family of Pak Gate, Multan, and the singular individual who has taken his clan
to the greatest heights since their illustrious progenitor, Syed Musa Pak
Shaheed, rode into the city in 1592 AD, as myth would have it, holding aloft
his own severed head and escorting his harem to safety. Thus began the infamous
Qureshi-Gilani spiritual rivalry that continues to shape the flavor of Multani
politics to this day. Yousaf Raza, despite having been born into the elite Makhdoom
family of the Gilanis, had relatively humble beginnings in terms of wealth and
landed property. He did inherit a political legacy, however, and the way he
wrested political leadership from his father’s aristocratic cousin, Hamid Raza Gilani,
is the stuff of legend. He defeated the formidable Hamid Saeen in the 1988
national elections through a sheer groundswell of popular support rendering obsolete
the latter’s patrician methods of politicking, and breathed new life into
tottering Gilani political fortunes. But, like any man starting from the
absolute grassroots, Yousaf Raza had his sights set high.
Cut to March 2008: Yousaf Raza Gilani is not really a
national statesman at this point. He is, however, a prime mover and shaker in
Multan, and a trusted member of the PPP old guard. BB is no more. Zardari needs
a Prime Minister who is both loyal and pliant and least capable of hijacking
the party from under him. The egoistic Shah Mahmood and that wily old insider,
Amin Fahim, just wouldn’t do. The placid Yousaf Raza is the man of the hour, slated from
the very beginning to play second fiddle to Zardari’s main theme. Multan’s
pride takes center-stage.
Now politics in our land of the pure is hardly a pure
business. Merit and/or fair-play have little to do with it. Political power is
ultimately the control on the distribution of state patronage and resources. In
Pakistan, that power has traditionally been exercised by democrats, bureaucrats
or the boys in khaki, to enrich themselves and a select few. It is a vicious pattern
of circular favors and not one of the numerous actors on our political stage
can claim to be free of it. Stories of overnight rags-to-riches abound in the
Pakistani political dream. In this paradigm, I cannot even think of attempting
to refute the claims that Gilani and his ilk have made illegal billions. They
may very well have, and in that typically clumsy, undisguised manner of the
parvenu that has left them open to such public vilification.
However, as a politician with a fundamentally local
predisposition, Gilani does not seem to have dealt his constituency a bad hand.
Multan district’s gleaming new roads and flyovers are testament to that. In
fact, development projects at such a wide scale have been undertaken for the
first time across the Seraiki belt, galvanizing the region’s recognition of its
historic deprivation. Unlike many of the erstwhile political luminaries from
the region, Gilani has operated as somewhat of a Seraiki icon, strengthening
and promoting the identity. For the first time in two decades, cotton farmers
have gotten good prices. Many a hapless youth has been given employment,
perhaps violating the precept of merit, but deeply appreciated on the home-turf.
Furthermore, the Gilanis have done well to shield their voters from the
oppression of the Patwari and the SHO, a factor that matters more in rural
politics than any power crises or corruption. And soon, Multan will begin to
miss the exceptional treatment it received in power outages throughout the
Gilani tenure.
Come July 19, one of Gilani’s own will easily rise on his
vacated seat. A by-election in rural Pakistan, however, is seldom any measure
of political popularity as the people are generally canny enough to see their
advantage in voting for the party in power. Elections-2013 will prove what the
home-boy really means to Multan, brutally interrupted as his ascendancy has
been, winning him martyr status with the sentimental rural voter. With two sons and one brother still in assemblies, and an unparalleled
standing in the PPP, the party closest to the Seraiki soul, Gilani remains a
force to be reckoned with. Bets are off on whether even Makhdoom Shah Mahmood
Qureshi can win back his ancestral seat from Gilani’s PPP in Multan.
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